RomneyCare: Making a Fool of Every Republican It Touches Since 2006
New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie’s (R) hearts former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney (R), so much that Christie says it is ”completely intellectually dishonest” to compare RomneyCare to ObamaCare. Why? Because Romney didn’t raise taxes, and President Obama did. Oh.
Avik (pronounced O-vik) Roy explains how Christie gets RomneyCare so very, very wrong:
There isn’t a single person, left or right, who follows health policy seriously who disagrees with the assertion that Romneycare was the model for Obamacare. And Massachusetts has had to raise taxes, after Romney left office, to pay for the law’s significant cost overruns.
Here are some examples, left and right. But Roy o-mits a few important points.
- Mitt Romney increased taxes the moment he signed RomneyCare. RomneyCare increased net government spending. That in itself is an increase in the tax burden. All that remains to be determined is who will pay for that added spending and when they will pay it. The fact that the incidence of that added tax burden fell after Romney left office does not mean that’s when the added tax burden was created.
- Mitt Romney has raised taxes on as many people as Barack Obama has. Half of RomneyCare’s new spending was financed by the federal government through the Medicaid program, which is financed through federal taxes, which fall on taxpayers in all 50 states. That means that when Romney financed half of RomneyCare’s new spending by pulling down more federal Medicaid dollars, he increased taxes on residents of all 50 states.
- RomneyCare was born of, and expanded, a corrupt scheme by Massachusetts politicians to tax residents of all 50 states. What motivated Romney to enact RomneyCare, as former Romney/Obama adviser Jonathan Gruber explains here, was the widespread desire (within Massachusetts) to hang on to $385 million of federal Medicaid money that Massachusetts had secured using one of Medicaid’s notorious and fraudulent “provider tax” scams. In other words, the whole purpose of RomneyCare was to enable Massachusetts to hold on to $385 million that it received by defrauding and taxing residents of other states. And of course, Romney/RomneyCare caused the tax burden that Massachusetts effectively imposes on non-Massachusetts residents to grow.
Christie is so laughably wrong about RomneyCare that one cannot help but smile that his remarks came during the same news cycle as this:
Newly obtained White House records… show that senior White House officials had a dozen meetings in 2009 with three health-care advisers and experts who helped shape the health care reform law signed by Romney in 2006…One of those meetings, on July 20, 2009, was in the Oval Office and presided over by President Barack Obama, the records show.
“The White House wanted to lean a lot on what we’d done in Massachusetts,” said Jon Gruber, an MIT economist who advised the Romney administration on health care and who attended five meetings at the Obama White House in 2009, including the meeting with the president. “They really wanted to know how we can take that same approach we used in Massachusetts and turn that into a national model”…
Romney said the people involved in the White House meetings were “consultants,” not “aides”…
[Gruber said,] “If Mitt Romney had not stood up for this reform in Massachusetts … I don’t think it would have happened nationally. So I think he really is the guy with whom it all starts.”
All of which is pretty much what my colleague/boss David Boaz and I have been saying since April 2010 in this well-worn Cato video:
The Constitutional Case for Marriage Equality
On June 12, 1967, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down bans on interracial marriage in more than a dozen states in the case of Loving v. Virginia. Today, the highest court in the United States may soon take on the issue of marriage equality for gay and lesbian relationships. Attorneys David Boies and Theodore B. Olson are hoping the case of Perry v. Schwarzenegger will further establish marriage as a fundamental right of citizenship. Also featured are John Podesta, President of the Center for American Progress, Cato Institute Chairman Robert A. Levy and Cato Executive Vice President David Boaz.
Watch the full event from which many clips were pulled here and Robert A. Levy’s presentation here.
Romney Van Winkle
In 2006, then-Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney (R) fought for and enacted a health care law now known as RomneyCare – though the law is so nearly identical to ObamaCare that one could call it ObamaCare 1.0. Romney is seeking the GOP nomination for president in 2012. But since 84 percent of Republicans want ObamaCare repealed, the fact that he paved the way for ObamaCare is causing problems for Romney among the party faithful. The most recent manifestation came in the form of a tongue-lashing from former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee (R), whose book criticizes Romney both for enacting RomneyCare and for refusing to admit it was mistake. In a recent interview, Huckabee said:
The position he should take is to say: “Look, the reason Obamacare won’t work is because we’ve tried it at the state level and we know it won’t work.”
Through a spokesman, Romney has — once again! – defended ObamaCare 1.0:
“Mitt Romney is proud of what he accomplished for Massachusetts in getting everyone covered,” Romney’s spokesman, Eric Fehrnstrom, told the Boston Globe, in the first direct response Team Mitt made to Huckabee’s criticism of the health plan in his new book.
Fehrnstrom added the usual stuff about how, even though Romney is proud of what RomneyCare/ObamaCare has done for Massachusetts, RomneyCare/ObamaCare may not be right for the entire nation. As David Boaz and I explain in this Cato video, to which Romney has lent enduring relevance, Romney can’t have it both ways:
It’s as if the guy has just awakened from a 20-year nap and doesn’t realize the world has changed.
Filed under: Cato Publications; General; Government and Politics; Health Care
War and the Intellectuals
Apologies in advance for the epic-length post.
There’s been a fair bit of wailing and garment-rending about war on the op-ed pages. In addition to the cloying and tiresome Mark Helprin piece to which David links below, E.J. Dionne, Glenn Greenwald, and Fred Hiatt have all touched on the subject in recent days. One common theme is the idea that Americans are insulated from the costs and benefits of war, and that this is a problem.
To their credit, some of the writers offer proposals for redressing matters: Helprin suggests American citizens should force congressional declarations of war characterized by “extraordinary, penetrating debate” in order to ensure that decisions to go to war have been “ratified unambiguously by the American people through their constitutional and republican institutions.” (Do we also owe the troops good decisions?) Further, citizens must recognize that it is “unacceptable” to “starve the means to fight” in order to defray the costs of war. “If the general population must do with less, so be it, for the problem is only imagined.”
What planet does Helprin live on? The ways in which citizens and legislators behave when it comes to war are shaped by the incentives each group faces. Helprin — and the other writers — should try to think about those incentives if they actually care about solving these problems.
Monday Links
- Progressives are outraged that the Supreme Court overturned limits on corporate political advertising last month. Here’s why they should be rejoicing.
- Policy forum today at Cato: “Will the Senate Health Care Bill Keep the Poor Poor?” Click here to watch live from 12:00-1:30 PM EST.
- Idea of the day: Cut the Commerce Department to boost real business.
- Harvard economist Jeffrey Miron: “Economists find weak or contradictory evidence that higher government spending spurs the economy. Substantial research, however, does find that tax cuts stimulate the economy and that fiscal adjustments—attempts to reduce deficits by raising taxes or lowering expenditure—work better when they focus on tax cuts.”
- Cato’s Ilya Shapiro wrapping up daily dispatches from the Winter Olympics in Vancouver. More here.
- Podcast: “How Many Libertarians?” featuring David Boaz.
Filed under: Cato Publications; General; Government and Politics; Health Care
Wednesday Links
- David Boaz debates at The Economist: Is Obama failing? “In many ways, Obama has just doubled down on George W. Bush’s policies of bailouts, takeovers, expanded Fed powers and nationalizations. In a recession he is adding debt, taxes and regulation to the burdens already felt by business.” Readers can vote and join the debate.
- Ever wonder why weather forecasters can get things so wrong?
- Looking for a primer on the causes of the financial crisis? The new Cato Policy Report has answers.
- Podcast: “Citizens United and SpeechNow.org” featuring Steve Simpson of the Institute of Justice.
How Will the Independents Vote?
In a recent Cato study, “The Libertarian Vote in the Age of Obama,” authors David Boaz and David Kirby found that libertarian voters, who make up about 14 percent of the electorate, are a leading indicator of how independents will cast their ballots.
Appearing on Freedom Watch earlier this week, Boaz explained the results of the study, and what it means for the next election. Watch:
Wednesday Links
- David Boaz on Obama’s first year: “From this libertarian, Obama’s first year looks grim. …He may well end up like Lyndon Johnson, with an ambitious domestic agenda eventually bogged down by endless war. But I don’t think his wished-for FDR model — a transformative agenda that is both popular and long-lasting — is in the cards.”
- The message from Massachusetts: “There can be no denying that this election was a clear cut rejection of the Democratic health care bills.”
- Attacks from all sides: See what happens when the Right takes on free enterprise.
- A new dictator in Iraq?
- Podcast: Daniel Ikenson discusses Obama’s trade policy.
In Case This Needs Saying: It’s a Tax
Last week, President Obama unveiled a plan for something he called a ”Financial Crisis Responsibility Fee,” to be fleshed out in his forthcoming budget proposal. He will seek to have some set of financial services providers pay money to the government as comeuppance for the recent financial crisis and government involvement in trying to remedy it.
The naming of the “Financial Crisis Responsibility Fee” is a fairly conspicuous attempt to avoid calling it a tax. (My colleague David Boaz points out the sheer number of taxes the Obama administration and its allies are considering.) But it’s fairly clear that this thing is, indeed, a tax.
The galaxy of government revenues has a number of different planets—taxes, fees, penalties, and a few others. If they’re well constructed, fees are generally favored because the recipients of services or benefits pay their costs. Fees avoid redistribution of wealth (either toward or away from payers). But this doesn’t mean that you can name any payment to the government a ”fee” and produce fair and appropriate results.
When I worked on Capitol Hill, I was tasked with writing a bill to deny federal agencies the power to raise taxes, requiring them to be approved by Congress. (You’d think that only Congress should set or raise taxes, right? Sorry to disappoint.) The goal was not to draw fee-setting into the ambit of the bill.
After extensive reasearch into the dividing line between fees and taxes, which is not as simple as one might imagine, I produced the following definition, as found in the Taxpayer’s Defense Act (introduced in the House during the 105th Congress, and the House and Senate in the 106th Congress):
[T]he term “tax” means a non-penal, mandatory payment of money or its equivalent to the extent such payment does not compensate the Federal Government or other payee for a specific benefit conferred directly on the payer.
Parsing it briefly: A penalty is not a tax. A voluntary payment is not a tax. Both payments of money and tranfers of value not denominated in dollars can be taxes. A payment that compensates a benefit conferred is not a tax, but the part of a payment going above the benefit conferred is. Non-tax payments are for a specific benefit conferred directly on the payer, not benefits conferred on regulated entities generally or on the country as a whole. (Though this isn’t specified in the definition, being regulated isn’t a benefit.)
With even the New York Times referring to President Obama’s “Financial Crisis Responsibility Fee” as a “tax,” there doesn’t seem to be much chance of that the administration will get the “fee” label to stick. But, just in case, here’s confirmation: It’s a tax.
Monday Links
- David Boaz: “Suddenly, I find myself nostalgic for Bill Clinton….Come back, Bill, all is forgiven. Or most, anyway. As long as you bring a Republican Congress with you.”
- So, have you been following the health-care debate on C-SPAN? Oh wait…
- Obama administration preparing a new arms package for Taiwan.
- Nat Hentoff to Castro et al: “Roar, tyrants, you cannot hide your racist deeds.“
- Podcast: “Price Controls in Obamacare” featuring Michael F. Cannon.
Selectively Small-Government
Yesterday, David Boaz riffed off of Michael Petrilli’s recent Wall Street Journal piece on the need for Republicans to stop denigrating well-educated, social-progressive types and make them feel welcome in the party. That is, make them feel welcome as long as they don’t try to impose their progressivism on everyone else through government.
That’s certainly good stuff — I’m all for making the GOP as libertarian as possible — but libertarianism extends far beyond just saying nice things about people who eat arugula or who own their own wind farms. Fundamentally, it means government leaving people alone in all facets of their lives as long as they aren’t inflicting harm on others.
Unfortunately, as Petrilli’s Thomas B. Fordham Foundation — perhaps the foremost neoconservative education think tank in the nation — has made clear for years, that’s definitely not something Petrilli and Co. are prepared to do.
Petrilli’s piece was a nice first step, but both he and the GOP still have a long way to go.

